Moslem Muwwahid
Tetap Berjuang Walau Sendirian
Rabu, 15 September 2010
MKT
BAI’AT
BISMILLAHIRRAHMANIRRAHIM
Bismillahi tawakkalna ‘alallah, lahaula wala quwwata illa billah!
Asjhadu an-la ilaha illallah, wa asjhadu anna Muhammadar Rasulullah.
Wallahi. Demi Allah!
1. Saja menjatakan Bai’at ini kepada Allah, dihadapan dan dengan persaksian Komandan Tentara/Pemimpin Negara, jang bertanggung djawab.
2. Saja menjatakan Bai’at ini sungguh-sungguh karena ichlas dan sutji hati, lillahi ta’ala semata-mata, dan tidak sekali-kali karena sesuatu diluar dan keluar daripada kepentingan Agama Allah, Agama Islam dan Negara Islam Indonesia.
3. Saja sanggup berkorban dengan djiwa, raga dan njawa saja serta apapun jang ada pada saja, berdasarkan sebesar-besar taqwa dan sesempurna-sempurna tawakal ‘alallah, bagi:
a. Mentegakkan kalimatillah—li—I’lai Kalimatillah—; dan
b. Mempertahankan berdirinja Negara Islam Indonesia; hingga hukum Sjari’at Islam seluruhnja berlaku dengan seluas-luasnja dalam kalangan Ummat Islam Bangsa Indonesia, di Indonesia.
4. Saja akan tha’at sepenuhnja kepada perintah Allah, kepada perintah Rasulullah dan kepada perintah Ulil Amri saja, dan mendjauhi segala larangannja, dengan tulus dan setia-hati.
5. Saja tidak akan berchianat kepada Allah, kepada Rasulullah dan kepada Komandan Tentara, serta Pemimpin Negara, dan tidak pula akan membuat noda atas Ummat Islam Bangsa Indonesia.
6. Saja sanggup membela Komandan-komandan Tentara Islam Indonesia dan Pemimpin-pemimpin Negara Islam Indonesia, daripada bahaja, bentjana dan chianat darimana dan apapun djuga.
7. Saja sanggup menerima hukuman dari Ulil Amri saja, sepandjang ke’adilan hukum Islam, bila saja inkar daripada Bai’at jang saja njatakan ini.
8. Semoga Allah berkenan membenarkan pernjataan Bai’at saja ini, serta berkenan pula kiranja Ia melimpahkan Tolong dan Kurnia-Nja atas saja sehingga saja dipandaikan-Nja melakukan tugas sutji, ialah haq dan kewadjiban tiap-tiap Mudjahid: Menggalang Negara Kurnia Allah, Negara Islam Indonesia! Amin.
9. Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar!
Tambahan
Bagi orang-orang jang baru menjatakan Bai’at, kemudian daripada tanggal 10 September 1950, ditjukupkan dengan Bai’at kedua ini.
Kamis, 09 September 2010
Membangun Negara dengan Darah bukan berleha leha, santai-santai saja
Relevansi Darul Islam Untuk Masa Kini
Sidney Jones, Tempo Magazine | 16 Aug 2010
BANYAK yang bisa kita pelajari dari sejarah Darul Islam yang ada relevansinya untuk Indonesia sekarang ini-dan bukan saja tentang bagaimana suatu gerakan radikal bisa menyesuaikan diri dengan perubahan zaman dan melahirkan suatu generasi baru. Ada pelajaran juga tentang akibat buruk saat ketidakpuasan di daerah diabaikan oleh pusat; bahayanya memanfaatkan kelompok Islam garis keras untuk kepentingan politik; bagaimana pentingnya ikatan lintas generasi sehingga masa depan anak-anak anggota kelompok ekstrem harus diperhatikan; dan bagaimana harapan untuk daulah islamiyah tetap hidup.
Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosoewirjo di Jawa Barat, Kahar Muzakkar di Sulawesi Selatan, dan Daud Beureueh di Aceh menjadi pahlawan untuk daerah mereka masing-masing. Setiap tokoh memimpin suatu pemberontakan melawan Republik atas nama DI, setiap orang membayar mahal atas perannya masing-masing, dan setiap orang menjadi sumber ilham untuk gerakan baru-pengaruh ketiganya masih terasa sampai hari ini:
Kartosoewirjo, yang memproklamasikan Negara Islam Indonesia (NII) pada 1949, ditangkap pada 1962 dan kemudian dieksekusi oleh regu tembak; banyak di antara ajudannya yang top diberi amnesti dan dana untuk kembali hidup seperti warga biasa dalam semacam program "deradikalisasi" zaman dulu.
Sampai hari ini, dia menjadi inspirasi untuk semua kelompok, baik yang memilih jalan kekerasan maupun tidak, yang ingin mendirikan negara Islam, termasuk Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), Ring Banten, dan banyak kelompok sempalan lain.
Kahar Muzakkar tewas tertembak oleh tentara pada 1965; beberapa pengikutnya lari ke Sabah, sebagian lainnya lari ke Maluku. Kekacauan dan pengungsian yang terjadi sebagai dampak pemberontakannya ada bekasnya di Sulawesi sampai sekarang. Warisan yang tidak langsung termasuk jaringan Pesantren Hidayatullah, yang didirikan oleh salah satu pengagum Kahar, dan Komite Persiapan Penerapan Syariat Islam di Makassar, yang ingin melanjutkan perjuangan dia melalui upaya advokasi.
Pemberontakan Daud Beureueh di Aceh berakhir pada 1962. Setelah kesepakatan perdamaian ditandatangani dengan pemerintah pada 1963, Beureueh ditarik kembali sebagai imam gerakan Darul Islam untuk seluruh Indonesia pada 1973. Tapi, empat tahun kemudian, dia ditangkap lagi dan menjadi tahanan rumah sampai wafatnya pada 1987. Gerakan Aceh Merdeka mewarisi nasionalisme Aceh dari DI Aceh, dan banyak pejuang pertama Gerakan Aceh Merdeka adalah anak para pejuang gerakan Daud Beureueh.
Setiap versi DI dimulai sebagai balasan terhadap keluhan-keluhan setempat-misalnya kegagalan Jakarta memenuhi janji kepada Aceh tentang status istimewa. Pemunculan mereka menggarisbawahi bahwa salah satu pelajaran kunci untuk Negara Indonesia, yang masih relevan dengan kondisi Papua hari ini, adalah ketidakpedulian pemerintah pusat terhadap keresahan di daerah yang bisa menjadi motor radikalisasi.
Kartosoewirjo secara khusus mengembangkan semacam ideologi dan justifikasi untuk jihad terhadap negara kafir (awalnya Belanda, kemudian Republik Indonesia), yang banyak aspeknya mirip dengan yang disebut salafi-jihadisme.
Sebuah buku yang ditulis Solahudin, wartawan Aliansi Jurnalis Independen, yang akan diterbitkan dalam waktu dekat, menunjukkan salah satu alasan kenapa ideologi yang dikaitkan dengan Al-Qaidah menemukan tanah yang begitu subur di Indonesia, yakni sudah ada landasan yang ditanam oleh pendiri DI.
Pada akhir 1950-an, tiga pemimpin DI itu sudah saling menghubungi dan bersepakat memperjuangkan suatu federasi Islam, meski konsep tersebut tidak pernah berhasil-antara lain karena tujuan setempat jauh lebih penting untuk rekrutmen dan mobilisasi daripada tujuan bersama. Empat puluh tahun kemudian, dalam konteks politik yang jauh berbeda, mujahidin Indonesia mendapat pelajaran yang mirip: entah betapa kuatnya kemarahan rakyat Indonesia terhadap kebijakan Amerika di Timur Tengah, tetap lebih gampang merekrut orang lewat diskusi soal Ambon dan Poso daripada tentang Palestina dan Irak.
Tidak lama setelah tentara Indonesia mengalahkan pemberontakan DI di Jawa Barat, pada 1965 terjadi peristiwa Gestapu. Prioritas utama dari tentara dan Jenderal Soeharto, yang pada 1966 mengambil alih kekuasaan dari Soekarno, adalah membasmi Partai Komunis Indonesia. Dengan tujuan ini, prinsip "musuh dari musuh adalah teman" berlaku. Beberapa mantan pemimpin DI, yang melihat komunisme sebagai ancaman terhadap Islam, diangkat sebagai mitra TNI dalam operasi melawan PKI, sampai disebarkan senjata.
Pada 1971, ketika Soeharto sedang merencanakan pemilu pertama Orde Baru, anggota DI dilihat sebagai alat rahasia untuk memenangkan Golkar di Jawa Barat dan daerah lain. Mereka dikasih uang oleh Badan Koordinasi Intelijen Negara untuk menyelenggarakan "reuni" selama tiga hari, yang katanya dihadiri oleh lebih dari 3.000 orang eks anggota DI.
Dus, dana dan fasilitas pemerintahlah yang memungkinkan gerakan setengah mati ini hidup kembali-yang dengan cepat menggigit tangan yang memberinya makan. Dengan diradikalisasi, baik oleh kebijakan Soeharto yang dilihat anti-Islam, seperti asas tunggal, maupun oleh tulisan cendekiawan militan dari Timur Tengah yang diterjemahkan dari bahasa Arab ke bahasa Indonesia, anggota DI dengan cepat memulai kegiatan klandestin untuk melawan negara.
Sebagai satu-satunya kelompok di Indonesia dengan sejarah berperang untuk negara Islam, makin banyak pemuda dan mahasiswa yang bisa direkrut-apalagi setelah represi Orde Baru meningkat. Di antara mereka ada Abdullah Sungkar, pendiri JI, dan sesama ustad dan temannya, Abu Bakar Ba'asyir. Salah satu pelajaran yang seharusnya diangkat, tapi ternyata tidak, adalah kooptasi atau kerja sama dengan Islam garis keras untuk tujuan politik lain tidak akan berhasil, dan mudaratnya jauh lebih besar daripada manfaatnya.
Pukulan keras terhadap DI/NII dilaksanakan oleh Komando Operasi Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban pada akhir 1970-an dan 1980-an, dengan akibat bahwa hampir semua tokoh penting dalam DI ditangkap. Salah satu aspek dari penangkapan ini menonjol: banyak narapidana dan tahanan politik ini punya anak laki-laki yang 20 tahun kemudian muncul sebagai pemimpin JI dan/atau pelaku terorisme.
Sebut saja empat pemimpin DI yang ditangkap pada waktu itu: Haji Faleh dan Achmad Hussein dari Kudus; Muhammad Zainuri dari Madiun; dan Bukhori dari Magetan. Anak Haji Faleh, Thoriquddin alias Abu Rusdan, menjadi amir sementara JI setelah Abu Bakar Ba'asyir ditangkap. Salah satu putra Achmad Hussein, Taufik Ahmad alias Abu Arina, menjadi tokoh JI Jawa Tengah. Anak Zainuri, Fathurrahman al-Ghozi, tewas tertembak di Mindanao pada 2003; dia terlibat dalam pengeboman di Jakarta dan Manila. Adik Al-Ghozi, Ahmad Rofiq Ridho alias Ali Zein, ditangkap karena menolong Noor Din M. Top, dan sekarang bebas. Anak Bukhori, Lutfi Haedaroh alias Ubeid, baru ditangkap untuk kedua kalinya karena ikut kamp militer di Aceh. Ubeid dan Umar Burhanuddin bekerja sama dengan Noor Din sebelum pengeboman Kedutaan Australia pada 2004. Putri-putri tahanan DI juga muncul sebagai istri orang JI pada 1990-an.
Kalau Indonesia bisa belajar dari masa lalu, seharusnya program kontra-radikalisasi ditargetkan kepada adik dan anak para tahanan radikal dan kepada sekolah yang mereka ikuti. Kartosoewirjo, lebih dari Daud Beureueh atauKahar Muzakkar, mengerti bahwa indoktrinasi dan regenerasi harus dilaksanakan bersama. Lembaga Suffah yang dia dirikan di Jawa Barat, yang menggabungkan kajian agama dan politik dengan latihan militer, mungkin merupakan sumber teladan dan inspirasi bagi sekolah JI yang terkenal, seperti Al-Mukmin di Ngruki atau Lukmanul Hakiem di Johor, Malaysia.
Walaupun JI untuk sementara rupanya tidak tertarik melakukan amaliyat (operasi pengeboman dan lain-lain), pesantren-pesantren dalam jaringannya di Jawa, Lampung, Lombok, dan daerah lain adalah kunci kelangsungan hidup, karena di situlah anak-anak pemimpin JI dididik. Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme seharusnya memprioritaskan program pengawasan secara ketat terhadap sekolah-sekolah ini-sekarang lebih dari 50-dan menarik anak-anak di dalamnya ikut dalam kegiatan di luar, supaya jaringan sosial mereka bisa diperluas.
Sejarah Darul Islam memberikan pelajaran lain yang seharusnya dipetik oleh
Indonesia: pada saat para pemimpin gerakan radikal mulai dilihat terlalu pasif oleh pengikutnya, sayap lebih militan sering muncul, dengan semangat perjuangan lebih tinggi. Perpecahan ini tidak selalu menjadi indikasi bahwa organisasi mau mati. Setelah DI dihidupkan kembali pada 1970-an sampai sekarang, perpecahan ideologi serta kebijakan dan pribadi baru sering muncul. Yang paling terkenal adalah perpecahan JI dari DI pada 1992/1993, tapi ada faksi lain yang keluar karena tidak puas dengan keterlambatan DI merespons setelah konflik Ambon meledak pada 1999. Noor Din M. Top melepaskan diri dari JI pada 2003/2004 dengan membawa pengikutnya ke arah lebih militan. Baru-baru ini, aliansi lintas tanzim yang mendirikan kamp latihan di Aceh terdiri atas unsur-unsur sakit hati atau kurang puas dari sekitar sembilan kelompok berbeda-dan semuanya sangat kritis terhadap JI, yang dilihat tidak mau lagi berjihad.
Darul Islam jelas bukan suatu obyek kuno untuk museum. Setelah 50 tahun, ia masih tetap berkembang dan sempalannya masih tetap menjadi inti gerakan Islam radikal di Indonesia-bagaimanapun, ide negara Islam masih tetap bergema untuk generasi baru. Kalau ada yang masih ragu tentang kedigdayaan DI untuk mendorong anak muda berjihad, baca saja tulisan Iqbal alias Arnasan, salah satu pengebom bunuh diri di Bali pada Oktober 2002. Dia menulis kepada keluarga dan teman di Malingping, Banten, bekas basis DI:
"Ingat wahai Mujahidin yang di Malingping. Imam kita S.M. Kartosoewirjo dulu waktu membangun dan menegakkan sekaligus memproklamasikan kemerdekaan NII dengan darah dan nyawa para syuhada bukan dengan berleha-leha, santai-santai saja seperti kita sekarang. Kalau kalian benar-benar ingin membangun kembali kejayaan NII yang hari ini terkubur, siramlah dengan darah-darah antum agar antum tidak malu di hadapan Allah. Padahal kalian mengaku sebagai anak DII/NII."
To read this article in English, please click here.
Sidney Jones adalah Penasihat Senior International Crisis Group.
Sabtu, 03 Juli 2010
Warisan Orang Tua
"Begitoelah selandjoetnja, sebagai warga sesoeatoe oemmmat, bangsa atau djama’ah, maka pertanggoeng djawab kita akan melipoeti seloeroeh oemmat, bangsa dan djama’ah itoe. Rasa tanggoeng-djawab jang makin meningkat itoe, tidak hanja akan menambah besarnja hak kita, melainkan djoega makin menambah besar dan beratnja kewadjiban antar-warga, antar-kelompok dan antar-oemmat."
"Sjahdan, dengan sandaran Ma’loemat K.T. jang mendjadi sendi-dasar hidoep dan perdjoeangan kita, hidoep dan berdjoeang hanja oentoek melaksanakan toegas Ilahy moethlak, merealisir dharma jang tertanam dalam djiwa setiap Moedjahid, maka seloeroeh Barisan Moedjahidin tanpa kecoeali, dimanapoen mereka berada dan bertoegas, terikat erat satoe sama lain demikian roepa, baik oleh Bai’at Negara, Bai’at Djabatan, Bai’at Setia maoepoen Bai’at selakoe Moedjahid, sehingga mereka itoe berwoedjoedkan satoe Djama’ah Besar, jang anggauta-anggautanja terdiri daripada tiap-tiap Moedjahid dan Moedjahidah, tegasnja: Djama’ah Besar Moedjahidin. Selakoe warga Djama’ah Besar Moedjahidin, maka tiap-tiap Moedjahid akan merasa makin bertambah-tambah besar dan mendalamnja rasa-setiakawannja, rasa-tanggoeng-djawabnja, rasa wadjibnja. dst. dst. dst., sampai-sampai achirnja melipoeti seloeroeh Oemmat dan Bangsa, Negara dan Agama. Hendaklah semangat, kesadaran dan keinsjafan seroepa itoe ditanam dalam-dalam dan dipoepoek baik-baik dalam djiwa setiap Moedjahid, dan kemoedian diperkembangkan dan diwoedjoedkan dalam bentoek amal dan djasa2, baik djasa terhadap Oemmat dan Bangsa maoepoen terhadap Negara dan Agama. Djika demikian halnja, maka cita-cita Baldatoen Thajibatoen wa Rabboe Ghafoer boekan impian atau khajalan belaka. Daja selamat-menjelamatkan, daja rahmat merahmati dst. dst. akan samboeng menjamboeng tidak koendjoeng-poetoes, sehingga melipoeti seloeroeh Oemmat dan bangsa, seloeroeh Negara dan Agama. Demikianlah “dharmaning ksatrija soeci” pentegak-Kalimatillah ! Harap direnoeng-resapkan sebaik-baik dan sedalam-dalamnja, hingga terwoedjoed dalam bentoek boekti-kenjataan jang sebenarnja."
Senin, 08 Februari 2010
Bendera Darul Islam
Negara Dar-ul-Islam Sultanate
Last modified: 2007-05-27 by ian macdonald
Keywords: negara dar-ul-islam sultanate | java |
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by Ivan Sache
The small state of Negara Dar-ul-Islam was founded in 1948 in the mountains of the southern part of Java island (Indonesia). Its ruler was S.M. Kartosuwizyo, an extreme-rightist mystic Muslim. Other small and short-lived Islamic states showed up in Indonesia at the time. Negara Dar-ul-Islam disappeared in 1962. The flag of Negara Dar-ul-Islam was green with a white crescent placed near the hoist.
Source: P. Lux-Wurm (2003) Les drapeaux de l'Islam.
Ivan Sache, 21 June 2003
To me, "Negara Dar-ul-Islam" seems a strange name for a state. "Negara" simply means "State" in Indonesian. When I search the internet, "Dar-ul-Islam" must mean something like "Haven of Islam", "The Domain of Islam", "Islamic world". So I think the name "Negara Dar-ul-Islam" only makes sense if it was meant to be the beginning of one large Islamic state in the world, or am I wrong? It would make more sense if the complete name of the state was something like "Negara Indonesia Dar-ul-Islam".
Mark Sensen, 21 June 2003
See also:
Sisa Turky Usmnany
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CHAPTER VII (p. 69-81) |
TO ZEITUN CITY
THE longer one stays in the Taurus, the more one pines for some district where the population is not composed solely of Osmanlis and Armenians. It is too depressing to find a country inhabited solely by dullards and sneaks: the dullards so dull that if the angel Gabriel walked into one of their villages trumpet in band and announced that the end of the world had taken place three weeks previously, the only answer he would receive would be’ Evvet Effendim.’ The sneaks are so cowed that they are hardly noticeable.
In every other part of Turkey, life is lightened by the presence of some other race, Kurds, Circassians, Arabs, &c. In the company of these, Turks * are cheerful and amusing, their character shows itself, and one can judge them better; but when their only neighbours are sworn enemies, the Armenians living in deadly and hopeless fear of them, they become so sulky and empty-headed that one grows hysterical with impatience.
One curious point about Turks is the difficulty they appear to experience in pronouncing the consonants of
* Since writing the above I have travelled in Anatolia, where the Turks live alone. I found them the most delightful people I have ever met, besides being very intelligent.
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What the end of the revolution would be these (Armenian) desperadoes recked little, so long as the attention of Europe was drawn to their cause and their collection-boxes. (1895) |
The result of this excellent policy has been to secure for the district of Zeitun a tranquillity hitherto unknown, which shows that a just and stern government is all that is required to reduce the most turbulent and truculent orientals to order.
The Commandant is wonderfully popular with all the surrounding people, who are, for the first time in their knowledge, reaping the benefit of a sure and straightforward rule. He favours no one and is beloved by all; the battalions under his command are well clothed, smart, and efficient; the officers are kept up to the mark; and, while very respectful to their chief, are on excellent terms with him and loud in his praises. It is providential that such a competent officer has been given the command, as Zeitun has always been a centre of disaffection and unrest.
The last insurrection was an excellent demonstration of what a pass an incapable officer may bring about, and serves as an illustration of the methods of the revolutionists. The following is as accurate a history as 1 could gather from various sources on the spot.
Some Revolutionary Society, not being satisfied with the general state of affairs in Turkey and scenting collections and relief funds in the future, judged it expedient in the year of grace 1895 to despatch certain emissaries to Armenia. On the warlike population of Zeitun they pinned their hopes of raising a semi-successful revolution, and six of their boldest agents were accorded to that district. What the end of the revolution would be these desperadoes recked little, so long as the attention of Europe was drawn to their cause and their collection-boxes. These individuals, however, found their people by no means ripe for insurrection, and their influence was but small. True, there were certain persons ready to talk sentimentally and foolishly, possibly treasonably, but in no way prepared to rise actually in arms. However, an opportunity of embroiling their countrymen unexpectedly presented itself, by taking advantage of which they succeeded in forcing the hand of the Government.
It happened that a number of Furnus and Zeitunli Armenians were in the habit of going to Adana for the purpose of earning money as farmers and handicraftsmen; for some reason, the Government at that time issued an order that all strangers should return to their own towns and districts. The Furnus and Zeitunli Armenians were enraged at this action, saying that they were not permitted by the Padishah to earn sufficient to pay their taxes, which they considered exorbitant; consequently they were foolish enough to pillage some Turkomans on their way home.
The Turkomans addressed themselves in complaint to the Mutessarif of Marash, who decided to investigate the affair by a commission consisting of a Turkish Bimbashi (field officer) and an Armenian resident, escorted by five Zaptiehs. The agents saw in this move a chance of bringing matters to a crisis, and either attacked, or persuaded the villagers to attack, the commission, killing the Bimbashi and three of the guard, and carrying off the Christian commissioner with them. The surrounding Armenians, knowing themselves to have been originally in the wrong, and seeing themselves hopelessly compromised, accepted the inevitable and joined the revolutionaries.
The Government of Marash, having been informed of this affair, despatched a company of infantry to reinforce the garrison at Bertiz. The rebel leaders and their followers intercepted this party, and an undecided action resulted, owing to the assistance given by the Moslems of Bertiz. The next day the revolutionists decided to attack the garrison at Zeitun in order to force that town (whose inhabitants had but little inclination) to join a jehad against the Osmanli. After a brief resistance the Castle surrendered, through the incapacity of its besotted commander.
Having gained a victory of some importance, the Armenian force proceeded to the Kurtul district, where they plundered and sacked several Turkish villages, eventually seizing Anderim, where they burnt the konak. On their way back to Zeitun they committed some most disgraceful murders at Chukarhissar * in commemoration of the decease of the late Armenian kingdom, which was finally ended at that place.
* I was told some ghastly details, but I doubt the veracity of them, as they were related to me by a town Armenian, who recounted them with honest pride.
...although certain ‘outrages’ * were committed by his (Ali Pasha's) troops during the march, I do not think that he is in any way to blame for the conduct of the campaign. |
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Yussuf Shamali (Cook). |
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(Armenian) revolutionists from abroad were always prepared to provoke a massacre in order to induce the Powers to assist them... these wretches actually schemed to murder American missionaries, hoping America would declare war... |
The necessary killing in India after the Mutiny, although carried out more formally, was just as merciless; and from all one can gather the gentle Skobeleff pacified Central Asia much as the Turks aborted the Armenian revolution.
It is also a fact that the Armenians have an extraordinary habit of running into danger without possessing the courage to face it, and the revolutionists from abroad were always prepared to provoke a massacre in order to induce the Powers to assist them. I have good reason to know that these wretches actually schemed to murder American missionaries, hoping America would declare war on the supposition that the Turks were the criminals. Therefore, with such sordid intrigue and ruthless policy running side by side, it is hard to judge. I have known one man of Turcophil views eventually reject his opinions in horror; again, many others almost fanatically in favour of the Armenians, became so disgusted by the baseness of their nature as to abandon them with satisfaction to their fate.
Personally I think that the public moral sense of Europeans is practically wanting in orientals, and unless this is assumed one cannot attempt to comprehend them meaning that an oriental is capable of all personal goodness, such as acts of personal friendliness, personal devotion, personal self-sacrifice, and brotherly love to those of his own creed—such virtue as is exampled in the highest type of pro- Boer ; * mercy to one’s enemies and mercy in public matters are absolutely lacking. Whether this is a defect, and, if it is a defect, whether it can be remedied by education, or whether it is caused by race or religion, arc questions which must be left to philosophers and men of science.
In the evening I took a turn round the Castle walls,
* I am not one myself.
An Ottoman-Armenian Zaptieh (Policeman): |
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JACOB AND THE DISCONTENTED SERGEANT.
Sergeant: Ha! ha! many salaams, many compliments, for a stranger who travels in a strange land Who pays for this? Himself? Nay, his Government! Who would travel in this accursed frost-bitten country in winter unless to seek out secrets? He learns the road; he is a sure guide for invading armies. The English are coming, Mashallah! They make maps of the roads ere they strike,t find we, forsooth, must salaarn
I find it impossible to render phonetically the subtle dental th.
· · t Indeed Mashallah! and again Mashaliah!!I
· and give assistance. It was not so under Sultan Abdul Aziz!’
Jacob: ‘What say you, O brave one?’
Sergeant: ‘I say what I say! a word—who pays for thee and for this stuff? List to his answer, men !’
Jacob: ‘Who pays me ?—my master Wallahi! a fool’s question!’
Sergeant: ‘He pays thee perchance, but who pays him?
Jacob: ‘God hath granted him money, which I Alhamdolillah, share! No one payeth him.’
Sergeant: ‘Ah! that is thy tale; mine is different. I say he cometh here to work as a scout, a forerunner a path-finder, and I say his Government payeth him!’
Jacob: ‘And I say thou art a windy fool!’
Sergeant: ‘ I a fool!’
Jacob: ‘Truly a fool, son of a fool, and a father of witless fools !‘
Sergeant’: ‘You are bold, my fair youth!’
Jacob: ‘Yes, I am bold!’
Sergeant’: ‘I am a soldier of Abdul Hamid; would you have me tell these Moslems that the soldiers of the Sultan are fools?’
Jacob: ‘Would you have me tell the Bimbashi how much weight you gave me as seventeen rottals of barley this morning?’ (collapse of Me Sergeant.)
Sportsmen who read this book should note that splendid ibex, lynx, panthers and partridges are to be obtained near Zeitun, while the route from Ekbes to Marash is stocked with boar, teal, snipe, wild duck, and panthers in great quantity.
* Sultan Aziz is dragged in, in and out of season, to compare with the present régime.
A Gallery of Images from "Dar-ul-Islam"
Battery overlooking Zeitun City
Bridge at Zeitun
Kurd Feast at Marash
Map of Zeitun
Officers of the garrison at Zeitun
Zeitun City
Zeitun woman
(With thanks to reader M. Mersinoglu.)
A Chapter on Mark Sykes | ||
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"(Turks) were at least as good as many Christian gentlemen that one knows." — Rudyard Kipling |
pp. 98-99:
DIARBEKIR. I have had a fearful time in the snows, temperature 12 degrees below zero. Two English girls passed through here about four months ago, which seems odd. Their baggage consisted of one tent, one revolver and a saucepan. I roared with laughter at the idea of the vote of thanks for Lord Middleton. Well, I wish them joy. I wish I could go to Parliament. I would if I knew what I was, but I will content myself with writing for a time, and then if people think me a Conservative from my writing, I’ll be one, or vice versa.
Meantime, Mark’s new book was written. When “Dar-ul-Islam” appeared, Arnold White wrote in the Sunday Sun: “Since Mary Kingsley no writer of travel has blended a strong personality with so much of the appetizing salt of humour. The true state of the Turkish Empire is revealed in this book of infinite jest. Freedom from prejudice, however, and knowledge of the world do not change our Yorkshire captain into a cosmopolitan Englishman.” The Spectator wrote: “Books of travel are of three kinds. There are the learned books and the ignorant books and the books written by Captain Mark Sykes. These last it is impossible to describe except in French; they are étourdissants. But they are also the East, the surface of the East.” The Athenaeum regretted that in a footnote “he goes on to casually describe what will be taken by many to have been a murder of a Russian consul as a mere instance of a European receiving his reward.” Vanity Fair compared his footnotes to Gibbon’s as the “unobtrusive resting-places of some of the most delightful remarks.”
Rudyard Kipling wrote (May 6, 1904): “Having formally to acknowledge ‘Dar-ul-Islam,’ I sat down to read it and stayed there for the rest of the evening. Thank you very much indeed for it. I don’t know Turkey, but I can see the chit and the delay and the confusion at the wayside serais as I can smell the smell (much like ours in India, I take it) of the towns. What you said about the cold in ‘warm’ countries went to my bones. Nothing is colder than the East when she chooses. I am very glad you like the Turk. I’ve met a few uncontaminated ones, and they were at least as good as many Christian gentlemen that one knows. Altogether I found it a delightful book, for which I thank you once again. You ought to have been born in the East.”
H. G. Wells wrote (May 7, 1904): “I’ve just been looking through ‘Dar-ul-Islam,’ and I perceive it’s going to be a great lark to read and that I’m going to learn things. I like your ‘down’ on civilization and suchlike.”
On one point Mark was sensitive: as to whether he had covered new ground or not. When the Express denied it he wrote:
The route between Qal’a Sharqat and Altun Kopri has never been traversed before to my knowledge. Layard, it is true, went somewhere near it. The district between ‘Amadiya, ‘Agra, Zibar and Ruwaadiz is very little known. I naturally did not make sketch maps of country already carefully explored. I am almost certain that no one has passed over the mad from Qasr-es-Slib to Basin Vira and Kondik.
"...beware of anyone who has been educated by American missionaries. They always rub officials up the wrong way." |
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