MKT

LAMPIRAN M.K.T. No. 6
BAI’AT
BISMILLAHIRRAHMANIRRAHIM
Bismillahi tawakkalna ‘alallah, lahaula wala quwwata illa billah!
Asjhadu an-la ilaha illallah, wa asjhadu anna Muhammadar Rasulullah.
Wallahi. Demi Allah!
1. Saja menjatakan Bai’at ini kepada Allah, dihadapan dan dengan persaksian Komandan Tentara/Pemimpin Negara, jang bertanggung djawab.
2. Saja menjatakan Bai’at ini sungguh-sungguh karena ichlas dan sutji hati, lillahi ta’ala semata-mata, dan tidak sekali-kali karena sesuatu diluar dan keluar daripada kepentingan Agama Allah, Agama Islam dan Negara Islam Indonesia.
3. Saja sanggup berkorban dengan djiwa, raga dan njawa saja serta apapun jang ada pada saja, berdasarkan sebesar-besar taqwa dan sesempurna-sempurna tawakal ‘alallah, bagi:
a. Mentegakkan kalimatillah—li—I’lai Kalimatillah—; dan
b. Mempertahankan berdirinja Negara Islam Indonesia; hingga hukum Sjari’at Islam seluruhnja berlaku dengan seluas-luasnja dalam kalangan Ummat Islam Bangsa Indonesia, di Indonesia.
4. Saja akan tha’at sepenuhnja kepada perintah Allah, kepada perintah Rasulullah dan kepada perintah Ulil Amri saja, dan mendjauhi segala larangannja, dengan tulus dan setia-hati.
5. Saja tidak akan berchianat kepada Allah, kepada Rasulullah dan kepada Komandan Tentara, serta Pemimpin Negara, dan tidak pula akan membuat noda atas Ummat Islam Bangsa Indonesia.
6. Saja sanggup membela Komandan-komandan Tentara Islam Indonesia dan Pemimpin-pemimpin Negara Islam Indonesia, daripada bahaja, bentjana dan chianat darimana dan apapun djuga.
7. Saja sanggup menerima hukuman dari Ulil Amri saja, sepandjang ke’adilan hukum Islam, bila saja inkar daripada Bai’at jang saja njatakan ini.
8. Semoga Allah berkenan membenarkan pernjataan Bai’at saja ini, serta berkenan pula kiranja Ia melimpahkan Tolong dan Kurnia-Nja atas saja sehingga saja dipandaikan-Nja melakukan tugas sutji, ialah haq dan kewadjiban tiap-tiap Mudjahid: Menggalang Negara Kurnia Allah, Negara Islam Indonesia! Amin.
9. Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar!

Tambahan
Bagi orang-orang jang baru menjatakan Bai’at, kemudian daripada tanggal 10 September 1950, ditjukupkan dengan Bai’at kedua ini.

Membangun Negara dengan Darah bukan berleha leha, santai-santai saja

Relevansi Darul Islam Untuk Masa Kini

Sidney Jones, Tempo Magazine | 16 Aug 2010

BANYAK yang bisa kita pelajari dari sejarah Darul Islam yang ada relevansinya untuk Indonesia sekarang ini-dan bukan saja tentang bagaimana suatu gerakan radikal bisa menyesuaikan diri dengan perubahan zaman dan melahirkan suatu generasi baru. Ada pelajaran juga tentang akibat buruk saat ketidakpuasan di daerah diabaikan oleh pusat; bahayanya memanfaatkan kelompok Islam garis keras untuk kepentingan politik; bagaimana pentingnya ikatan lintas generasi sehingga masa depan anak-anak anggota kelompok ekstrem harus diperhatikan; dan bagaimana harapan untuk daulah islamiyah tetap hidup.

Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosoewirjo di Jawa Barat, Kahar Muzakkar di Sulawesi Selatan, dan Daud Beureueh di Aceh menjadi pahlawan untuk daerah mereka masing-masing. Setiap tokoh memimpin suatu pemberontakan melawan Republik atas nama DI, setiap orang membayar mahal atas perannya masing-masing, dan setiap orang menjadi sumber ilham untuk gerakan baru-pengaruh ketiganya masih terasa sampai hari ini:

Kartosoewirjo, yang memproklamasikan Negara Islam Indonesia (NII) pada 1949, ditangkap pada 1962 dan kemudian dieksekusi oleh regu tembak; banyak di antara ajudannya yang top diberi amnesti dan dana untuk kembali hidup seperti warga biasa dalam semacam program "deradikalisasi" zaman dulu.

Sampai hari ini, dia menjadi inspirasi untuk semua kelompok, baik yang memilih jalan kekerasan maupun tidak, yang ingin mendirikan negara Islam, termasuk Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), Ring Banten, dan banyak kelompok sempalan lain.

Kahar Muzakkar tewas tertembak oleh tentara pada 1965; beberapa pengikutnya lari ke Sabah, sebagian lainnya lari ke Maluku. Kekacauan dan pengungsian yang terjadi sebagai dampak pemberontakannya ada bekasnya di Sulawesi sampai sekarang. Warisan yang tidak langsung termasuk jaringan Pesantren Hidayatullah, yang didirikan oleh salah satu pengagum Kahar, dan Komite Persiapan Penerapan Syariat Islam di Makassar, yang ingin melanjutkan perjuangan dia melalui upaya advokasi.

Pemberontakan Daud Beureueh di Aceh berakhir pada 1962. Setelah kesepakatan perdamaian ditandatangani dengan pemerintah pada 1963, Beureueh ditarik kembali sebagai imam gerakan Darul Islam untuk seluruh Indonesia pada 1973. Tapi, empat tahun kemudian, dia ditangkap lagi dan menjadi tahanan rumah sampai wafatnya pada 1987. Gerakan Aceh Merdeka mewarisi nasionalisme Aceh dari DI Aceh, dan banyak pejuang pertama Gerakan Aceh Merdeka adalah anak para pejuang gerakan Daud Beureueh.

Setiap versi DI dimulai sebagai balasan terhadap keluhan-keluhan setempat-misalnya kegagalan Jakarta memenuhi janji kepada Aceh tentang status istimewa. Pemunculan mereka menggarisbawahi bahwa salah satu pelajaran kunci untuk Negara Indonesia, yang masih relevan dengan kondisi Papua hari ini, adalah ketidakpedulian pemerintah pusat terhadap keresahan di daerah yang bisa menjadi motor radikalisasi.

Kartosoewirjo secara khusus mengembangkan semacam ideologi dan justifikasi untuk jihad terhadap negara kafir (awalnya Belanda, kemudian Republik Indonesia), yang banyak aspeknya mirip dengan yang disebut salafi-jihadisme.

Sebuah buku yang ditulis Solahudin, wartawan Aliansi Jurnalis Independen, yang akan diterbitkan dalam waktu dekat, menunjukkan salah satu alasan kenapa ideologi yang dikaitkan dengan Al-Qaidah menemukan tanah yang begitu subur di Indonesia, yakni sudah ada landasan yang ditanam oleh pendiri DI.

Pada akhir 1950-an, tiga pemimpin DI itu sudah saling menghubungi dan bersepakat memperjuangkan suatu federasi Islam, meski konsep tersebut tidak pernah berhasil-antara lain karena tujuan setempat jauh lebih penting untuk rekrutmen dan mobilisasi daripada tujuan bersama. Empat puluh tahun kemudian, dalam konteks politik yang jauh berbeda, mujahidin Indonesia mendapat pelajaran yang mirip: entah betapa kuatnya kemarahan rakyat Indonesia terhadap kebijakan Amerika di Timur Tengah, tetap lebih gampang merekrut orang lewat diskusi soal Ambon dan Poso daripada tentang Palestina dan Irak.

Tidak lama setelah tentara Indonesia mengalahkan pemberontakan DI di Jawa Barat, pada 1965 terjadi peristiwa Gestapu. Prioritas utama dari tentara dan Jenderal Soeharto, yang pada 1966 mengambil alih kekuasaan dari Soekarno, adalah membasmi Partai Komunis Indonesia. Dengan tujuan ini, prinsip "musuh dari musuh adalah teman" berlaku. Beberapa mantan pemimpin DI, yang melihat komunisme sebagai ancaman terhadap Islam, diangkat sebagai mitra TNI dalam operasi melawan PKI, sampai disebarkan senjata.

Pada 1971, ketika Soeharto sedang merencanakan pemilu pertama Orde Baru, anggota DI dilihat sebagai alat rahasia untuk memenangkan Golkar di Jawa Barat dan daerah lain. Mereka dikasih uang oleh Badan Koordinasi Intelijen Negara untuk menyelenggarakan "reuni" selama tiga hari, yang katanya dihadiri oleh lebih dari 3.000 orang eks anggota DI.

Dus, dana dan fasilitas pemerintahlah yang memungkinkan gerakan setengah mati ini hidup kembali-yang dengan cepat menggigit tangan yang memberinya makan. Dengan diradikalisasi, baik oleh kebijakan Soeharto yang dilihat anti-Islam, seperti asas tunggal, maupun oleh tulisan cendekiawan militan dari Timur Tengah yang diterjemahkan dari bahasa Arab ke bahasa Indonesia, anggota DI dengan cepat memulai kegiatan klandestin untuk melawan negara.

Sebagai satu-satunya kelompok di Indonesia dengan sejarah berperang untuk negara Islam, makin banyak pemuda dan mahasiswa yang bisa direkrut-apalagi setelah represi Orde Baru meningkat. Di antara mereka ada Abdullah Sungkar, pendiri JI, dan sesama ustad dan temannya, Abu Bakar Ba'asyir. Salah satu pelajaran yang seharusnya diangkat, tapi ternyata tidak, adalah kooptasi atau kerja sama dengan Islam garis keras untuk tujuan politik lain tidak akan berhasil, dan mudaratnya jauh lebih besar daripada manfaatnya.

Pukulan keras terhadap DI/NII dilaksanakan oleh Komando Operasi Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban pada akhir 1970-an dan 1980-an, dengan akibat bahwa hampir semua tokoh penting dalam DI ditangkap. Salah satu aspek dari penangkapan ini menonjol: banyak narapidana dan tahanan politik ini punya anak laki-laki yang 20 tahun kemudian muncul sebagai pemimpin JI dan/atau pelaku terorisme.

Sebut saja empat pemimpin DI yang ditangkap pada waktu itu: Haji Faleh dan Achmad Hussein dari Kudus; Muhammad Zainuri dari Madiun; dan Bukhori dari Magetan. Anak Haji Faleh, Thoriquddin alias Abu Rusdan, menjadi amir sementara JI setelah Abu Bakar Ba'asyir ditangkap. Salah satu putra Achmad Hussein, Taufik Ahmad alias Abu Arina, menjadi tokoh JI Jawa Tengah. Anak Zainuri, Fathurrahman al-Ghozi, tewas tertembak di Mindanao pada 2003; dia terlibat dalam pengeboman di Jakarta dan Manila. Adik Al-Ghozi, Ahmad Rofiq Ridho alias Ali Zein, ditangkap karena menolong Noor Din M. Top, dan sekarang bebas. Anak Bukhori, Lutfi Haedaroh alias Ubeid, baru ditangkap untuk kedua kalinya karena ikut kamp militer di Aceh. Ubeid dan Umar Burhanuddin bekerja sama dengan Noor Din sebelum pengeboman Kedutaan Australia pada 2004. Putri-putri tahanan DI juga muncul sebagai istri orang JI pada 1990-an.

Kalau Indonesia bisa belajar dari masa lalu, seharusnya program kontra-radikalisasi ditargetkan kepada adik dan anak para tahanan radikal dan kepada sekolah yang mereka ikuti. Kartosoewirjo, lebih dari Daud Beureueh atauKahar Muzakkar, mengerti bahwa indoktrinasi dan regenerasi harus dilaksanakan bersama. Lembaga Suffah yang dia dirikan di Jawa Barat, yang menggabungkan kajian agama dan politik dengan latihan militer, mungkin merupakan sumber teladan dan inspirasi bagi sekolah JI yang terkenal, seperti Al-Mukmin di Ngruki atau Lukmanul Hakiem di Johor, Malaysia.

Walaupun JI untuk sementara rupanya tidak tertarik melakukan amaliyat (operasi pengeboman dan lain-lain), pesantren-pesantren dalam jaringannya di Jawa, Lampung, Lombok, dan daerah lain adalah kunci kelangsungan hidup, karena di situlah anak-anak pemimpin JI dididik. Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme seharusnya memprioritaskan program pengawasan secara ketat terhadap sekolah-sekolah ini-sekarang lebih dari 50-dan menarik anak-anak di dalamnya ikut dalam kegiatan di luar, supaya jaringan sosial mereka bisa diperluas.

Sejarah Darul Islam memberikan pelajaran lain yang seharusnya dipetik oleh

Indonesia: pada saat para pemimpin gerakan radikal mulai dilihat terlalu pasif oleh pengikutnya, sayap lebih militan sering muncul, dengan semangat perjuangan lebih tinggi. Perpecahan ini tidak selalu menjadi indikasi bahwa organisasi mau mati. Setelah DI dihidupkan kembali pada 1970-an sampai sekarang, perpecahan ideologi serta kebijakan dan pribadi baru sering muncul. Yang paling terkenal adalah perpecahan JI dari DI pada 1992/1993, tapi ada faksi lain yang keluar karena tidak puas dengan keterlambatan DI merespons setelah konflik Ambon meledak pada 1999. Noor Din M. Top melepaskan diri dari JI pada 2003/2004 dengan membawa pengikutnya ke arah lebih militan. Baru-baru ini, aliansi lintas tanzim yang mendirikan kamp latihan di Aceh terdiri atas unsur-unsur sakit hati atau kurang puas dari sekitar sembilan kelompok berbeda-dan semuanya sangat kritis terhadap JI, yang dilihat tidak mau lagi berjihad.

Darul Islam jelas bukan suatu obyek kuno untuk museum. Setelah 50 tahun, ia masih tetap berkembang dan sempalannya masih tetap menjadi inti gerakan Islam radikal di Indonesia-bagaimanapun, ide negara Islam masih tetap bergema untuk generasi baru. Kalau ada yang masih ragu tentang kedigdayaan DI untuk mendorong anak muda berjihad, baca saja tulisan Iqbal alias Arnasan, salah satu pengebom bunuh diri di Bali pada Oktober 2002. Dia menulis kepada keluarga dan teman di Malingping, Banten, bekas basis DI:

"Ingat wahai Mujahidin yang di Malingping. Imam kita S.M. Kartosoewirjo dulu waktu membangun dan menegakkan sekaligus memproklamasikan kemerdekaan NII dengan darah dan nyawa para syuhada bukan dengan berleha-leha, santai-santai saja seperti kita sekarang. Kalau kalian benar-benar ingin membangun kembali kejayaan NII yang hari ini terkubur, siramlah dengan darah-darah antum agar antum tidak malu di hadapan Allah. Padahal kalian mengaku sebagai anak DII/NII."

To read this article in English, please click here.

Sidney Jones adalah Penasihat Senior International Crisis Group.

Tempo Magazine

Warisan Orang Tua

"Soedah agak lama kita beladjar hidoep berorganisasi, dan memang tiada manoesia, djiwa moedjahid, jang pandai berdiri sendiri, jang tidak tergantoeng, tidak terpengaroeh atau tidak memerloekan sesoeatoe diloear pribadinja. Moela pertama kita merasa hidoep seorang diri. Lambat-laoen perasaan itoe meningkat hingga mendjadi kesadaran dan keinsjafan selakoe anggauta sesoeatoe keloearga. Dan selandjoetnja meningkat lagi, hingga kita merasa dan menganggap diri kita, insjaf dan sadar sepenoehnja, sebagai warga masjarakat dan negara, warga oemmat dan bangsa. Dengan meningkatnja nilai perasaan dan anggapan, jang kemoedian terrealisir dalam kelakoean dan perboeatan, maka makin bertambah2 meningkat poela rasa tanggoeng djawab kita. Sebagai seorang diri, kita hanja bertanggoeng djawab atas diri kita. Sebagai warga sesoeatoe keloearga atau kelompok, tanggoeng djawab kita meningkat mendjadi tanggoeng djawab terhadap keloearga dan kelompok".
"Begitoelah selandjoetnja, sebagai warga sesoeatoe oemmmat, bangsa atau djama’ah, maka pertanggoeng djawab kita akan melipoeti seloeroeh oemmat, bangsa dan djama’ah itoe. Rasa tanggoeng-djawab jang makin meningkat itoe, tidak hanja akan menambah besarnja hak kita, melainkan djoega makin menambah besar dan beratnja kewadjiban antar-warga, antar-kelompok dan antar-oemmat."
"Sjahdan, dengan sandaran Ma’loemat K.T. jang mendjadi sendi-dasar hidoep dan perdjoeangan kita, hidoep dan berdjoeang hanja oentoek melaksanakan toegas Ilahy moethlak, merealisir dharma jang tertanam dalam djiwa setiap Moedjahid, maka seloeroeh Barisan Moedjahidin tanpa kecoeali, dimanapoen mereka berada dan bertoegas, terikat erat satoe sama lain demikian roepa, baik oleh Bai’at Negara, Bai’at Djabatan, Bai’at Setia maoepoen Bai’at selakoe Moedjahid, sehingga mereka itoe berwoedjoedkan satoe Djama’ah Besar, jang anggauta-anggautanja terdiri daripada tiap-tiap Moedjahid dan Moedjahidah, tegasnja: Djama’ah Besar Moedjahidin. Selakoe warga Djama’ah Besar Moedjahidin, maka tiap-tiap Moedjahid akan merasa makin bertambah-tambah besar dan mendalamnja rasa-setiakawannja, rasa-tanggoeng-djawabnja, rasa wadjibnja. dst. dst. dst., sampai-sampai achirnja melipoeti seloeroeh Oemmat dan Bangsa, Negara dan Agama. Hendaklah semangat, kesadaran dan keinsjafan seroepa itoe ditanam dalam-dalam dan dipoepoek baik-baik dalam djiwa setiap Moedjahid, dan kemoedian diperkembangkan dan diwoedjoedkan dalam bentoek amal dan djasa2, baik djasa terhadap Oemmat dan Bangsa maoepoen terhadap Negara dan Agama. Djika demikian halnja, maka cita-cita Baldatoen Thajibatoen wa Rabboe Ghafoer boekan impian atau khajalan belaka. Daja selamat-menjelamatkan, daja rahmat merahmati dst. dst. akan samboeng menjamboeng tidak koendjoeng-poetoes, sehingga melipoeti seloeroeh Oemmat dan bangsa, seloeroeh Negara dan Agama. Demikianlah “dharmaning ksatrija soeci” pentegak-Kalimatillah ! Harap direnoeng-resapkan sebaik-baik dan sedalam-dalamnja, hingga terwoedjoed dalam bentoek boekti-kenjataan jang sebenarnja."

Bendera Darul Islam

Negara Dar-ul-Islam Sultanate

Last modified: 2007-05-27 by ian macdonald
Keywords: negara dar-ul-islam sultanate | java |
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by Ivan Sache

The small state of Negara Dar-ul-Islam was founded in 1948 in the mountains of the southern part of Java island (Indonesia). Its ruler was S.M. Kartosuwizyo, an extreme-rightist mystic Muslim. Other small and short-lived Islamic states showed up in Indonesia at the time. Negara Dar-ul-Islam disappeared in 1962. The flag of Negara Dar-ul-Islam was green with a white crescent placed near the hoist.

Source: P. Lux-Wurm (2003) Les drapeaux de l'Islam.

Ivan Sache, 21 June 2003

To me, "Negara Dar-ul-Islam" seems a strange name for a state. "Negara" simply means "State" in Indonesian. When I search the internet, "Dar-ul-Islam" must mean something like "Haven of Islam", "The Domain of Islam", "Islamic world". So I think the name "Negara Dar-ul-Islam" only makes sense if it was meant to be the beginning of one large Islamic state in the world, or am I wrong? It would make more sense if the complete name of the state was something like "Negara Indonesia Dar-ul-Islam".

Mark Sensen, 21 June 2003

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See also:

• Indonesia
• Indonesia - Index of all pages

Sisa Turky Usmnany

DAR-UL-ISLAM. A RECORD OF A JOURNEY THROUGH TEN OF THE ASIATIC PROVINCES OF TURKEY London: Bickers & Son, 1904 The title, DAR-UL-ISLAM means "the Home of Islam", at this time comprising parts of the Turkish Empire. This is a fine classic travel book covering journeys from Damascus to Aleppo, through the Diyarbekir area to Mosul and thence to Van and Tiflis. The appendix by John Hugh Smith is his diary of a journey from Aleppo by way of Deir Zor and the Khabur, to Urfa where he rejoined Sykes. Often interesting illustrations showing people, views, countryside, buildings, ruins, etc. Mark Sykes was the co-creator of the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 which more or less created modern Iraq out of Mesopotamia and the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire. What follows is a gallery of images from "Dar-ul-Islam," as well as excerpts on Mark Sykes from another book. Mark Sykes ironically went on from being one of the few "fair" Westerners as far as outlook on Turks, to producing anti-Turkish propaganda for Wellington House, to be culminated with the final blow, an engineer of the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. (Hear the last one, as described in the film, LAWRENCE OF ARABIA.)

CHAPTER VII (p. 69-81)

TO ZEITUN CITY

THE longer one stays in the Taurus, the more one pines for some district where the population is not composed solely of Osmanlis and Armenians. It is too depressing to find a country inhabited solely by dullards and sneaks: the dullards so dull that if the angel Gabriel walked into one of their villages trumpet in band and announced that the end of the world had taken place three weeks previously, the only answer he would receive would be’ Evvet Effendim.’ The sneaks are so cowed that they are hardly noticeable.

In every other part of Turkey, life is lightened by the presence of some other race, Kurds, Circassians, Arabs, &c. In the company of these, Turks * are cheerful and amusing, their character shows itself, and one can judge them better; but when their only neighbours are sworn enemies, the Armenians living in deadly and hopeless fear of them, they become so sulky and empty-headed that one grows hysterical with impatience.

One curious point about Turks is the difficulty they appear to experience in pronouncing the consonants of

* Since writing the above I have travelled in Anatolia, where the Turks live alone. I found them the most delightful people I have ever met, besides being very intelligent.

proper names; there is nothing so exasperating as extracting the names of villages from the Zaptiehs or inhabitants. Q. What is that village over there? A. Awarot-loo-oj. A. What? Q. Awany ouroo loo-oj-oh! A. What? Q. Awarngourouloo-oh- oh! A. What? Q. Awarnunginjoolooroh oh la ho! Q. Now one syllable at a time while I write it down. A. Ha-jin-ogh-loo. Q. Hajin Oghloo? A. Yes. They suffer the same disadvantage in either writing or pronouncing English proper names. After five days’ stay we left Marash for Zeitun, stopping the first night at Batsh Khan. The scenery between Marash and Zeitun is of the ‘terribly’ impressive order in winter, the ground bare, the trees leafless, and the mountains shining with frosted snow; stunted oak, swart dwarfish pines and an occasional noble cedar form the whole desolate vegetation. This extends over immense vistas of rocky mountain land, and although not beautiful has an effect which 1leases more than one would expect. At Paj the bridge which spans the river is guarded by a small detachment of soldiers, whose general aspect of forlornness and boredom reminded me painfully of the many weary months spent in a similar position in South Africa. They were well guarded by some fine dogs, who bayed loudly on the approach of any strangers. Sir Mark Sykes, with Halil Sian. (See group shot below) On my arrival at Zeitun I was received with great kindness and ceremony by the Commandant of the Castle, who, besides being a very efficient soldier, was a pleasant host. I was led up to his sitting-room, where we discussed every topic under the sun—the South African war, Crete, German railways, etc. While the conversation was in progress three Orderly men marched in, the first bearing an immense caldron of soup, the second a hillock of rice and meat, and the third a basket of loaves. These were brought before the Commandant, who proceeded to taste them, and proffered them for my inspection. I can certainly answer for the rations being of ‘sufficient quantity and proper quality’ on that day, the bread being especially excellent, though I am afraid my friend Thomas would have turned up his nose at it. I subsequently learned that the Commandant was a very remarkable man. He took over the command three years ago, apparently a very unassuming, dignified individual, by no means energetic. The Circassians who lived in the vicinity, and the more thievish of the Zeitunlis, thought the moment favourable for a little cattle-lifting and caravan plundering; this venture was by no means a success, for lo! the thieves were laid speedily by the heels, and instead of going to the country gaol, where they usually bought their liberty, the quiet grey-bearded colonel ordered them to be flogged. This was a most unpleasant surprise, for hitherto Circassians had been somewhat favoured, and thefts on their part were treated as little childish vagaries, owing to high spirits; but in Takhsin Bey they met a master both severe and just. He pointed out to them that in gaol they wasted their own time and devoured the food of the State, while a flogging did them no harm and cost nothing. Fearful threats of revolution and massacre were muttered by these gentlemen as they returned home rubbing their aching backs; but when their friends saw those portions of their anatomy which had been subjected to the lash, they perceived that the cultivation of their lands and the pursuits of peace were more profitable than the amusing but dangerous peculations I have referred to.

What the end of the revolution would be these (Armenian) desperadoes recked little, so long as the attention of Europe was drawn to their cause and their collection-boxes. (1895)

The result of this excellent policy has been to secure for the district of Zeitun a tranquillity hitherto unknown, which shows that a just and stern government is all that is required to reduce the most turbulent and truculent orientals to order.

The Commandant is wonderfully popular with all the surrounding people, who are, for the first time in their knowledge, reaping the benefit of a sure and straightforward rule. He favours no one and is beloved by all; the battalions under his command are well clothed, smart, and efficient; the officers are kept up to the mark; and, while very respectful to their chief, are on excellent terms with him and loud in his praises. It is providential that such a competent officer has been given the command, as Zeitun has always been a centre of disaffection and unrest.

The last insurrection was an excellent demonstration of what a pass an incapable officer may bring about, and serves as an illustration of the methods of the revolutionists. The following is as accurate a history as 1 could gather from various sources on the spot.

Some Revolutionary Society, not being satisfied with the general state of affairs in Turkey and scenting collections and relief funds in the future, judged it expedient in the year of grace 1895 to despatch certain emissaries to Armenia. On the warlike population of Zeitun they pinned their hopes of raising a semi-successful revolution, and six of their boldest agents were accorded to that district. What the end of the revolution would be these desperadoes recked little, so long as the attention of Europe was drawn to their cause and their collection-boxes. These individuals, however, found their people by no means ripe for insurrection, and their influence was but small. True, there were certain persons ready to talk sentimentally and foolishly, possibly treasonably, but in no way prepared to rise actually in arms. However, an opportunity of embroiling their countrymen unexpectedly presented itself, by taking advantage of which they succeeded in forcing the hand of the Government.

It happened that a number of Furnus and Zeitunli Armenians were in the habit of going to Adana for the purpose of earning money as farmers and handicraftsmen; for some reason, the Government at that time issued an order that all strangers should return to their own towns and districts. The Furnus and Zeitunli Armenians were enraged at this action, saying that they were not permitted by the Padishah to earn sufficient to pay their taxes, which they considered exorbitant; consequently they were foolish enough to pillage some Turkomans on their way home.

The Turkomans addressed themselves in complaint to the Mutessarif of Marash, who decided to investigate the affair by a commission consisting of a Turkish Bimbashi (field officer) and an Armenian resident, escorted by five Zaptiehs. The agents saw in this move a chance of bringing matters to a crisis, and either attacked, or persuaded the villagers to attack, the commission, killing the Bimbashi and three of the guard, and carrying off the Christian commissioner with them. The surrounding Armenians, knowing themselves to have been originally in the wrong, and seeing themselves hopelessly compromised, accepted the inevitable and joined the revolutionaries.

The Government of Marash, having been informed of this affair, despatched a company of infantry to reinforce the garrison at Bertiz. The rebel leaders and their followers intercepted this party, and an undecided action resulted, owing to the assistance given by the Moslems of Bertiz. The next day the revolutionists decided to attack the garrison at Zeitun in order to force that town (whose inhabitants had but little inclination) to join a jehad against the Osmanli. After a brief resistance the Castle surrendered, through the incapacity of its besotted commander.

Having gained a victory of some importance, the Armenian force proceeded to the Kurtul district, where they plundered and sacked several Turkish villages, eventually seizing Anderim, where they burnt the konak. On their way back to Zeitun they committed some most disgraceful murders at Chukarhissar * in commemoration of the decease of the late Armenian kingdom, which was finally ended at that place.

* I was told some ghastly details, but I doubt the veracity of them, as they were related to me by a town Armenian, who recounted them with honest pride.

...although certain ‘outrages’ * were committed by his (Ali Pasha's) troops during the march, I do not think that he is in any way to blame for the conduct of the campaign.

After this anarchy supervened. The Moslems and Kurds, infuriated by exaggerated reports, lusting for treasure of the wealthy but feeble bazaar Armenians, massacred and overwhelmed them at Marash and elsewhere. The Turkish Government, now thoroughly alarmed, had concentrated two divisions, one at Marash, under Ferik Pasha, who showed an extraordinary incapacity during the massacre; the other under a reliable soldier, Ali Pasha, at Adana. The latter with considerable promptitude swept forward towards Zeitun, driving before him the Armenian population, and although certain ‘outrages’ * were committed by his troops during the march, I do not think that he is in any way to blame for the conduct of the campaign. It would have been a grave military fault to have left a hostile population in his rear; and the Armenians he called upon to surrender were already too overcome by panic to accept terms, and either awaited destruction in their villages, resisting to the last, or fled to the town of Zeitun, where the revolutionary agents, in order to maintain their prestige, were cramming the population with absurd falsehoods of a British relief column landed at Alexandretta. One of them even sent out messengers, who returned with hopeful letters which he himself had written. But this impostor and his colleagues were not satisfied with the general disloyalty of the inhabitants, and felt that some deed should be committed which would absolutely debar the people from any hope of mercy from the Government. Accordingly, they assembled the * These would not be so called if committed by any other troops than those of the Turkish Army.

Yussuf Shamali (Cook). Mustapha Kurdi. Jacob-el-Arab (Mr. Sykes Servant). Yussuf Haddad (Dragoman). Mr. Sykes. Yussuf Hadad (Dragoman) Halil Siam. Nikola. Mr. Smith. Halil K. Taifeh. Hero. Chello, the Dog Mohammad Ali. Mohammad the Persian. N.B. - The Child is no relation of any person in the picture, but one put in by the Muleteers to bring good luck.

refugees driven in by Ali Pasha, and repaired with them to the konak, where the imprisoned garrison was quartered. and proceeded to murder them with bestial cruelty. It must be remembered that this piece of villainy can in no way be imputed to the population of Zeitun, but to the disgraceful ruffianism of the revolutionaries and the crazy fanaticism of the exasperated and hopeless villagers. It must also be recorded to the credit of the Zeitunlis themselves that after this abominable butchery several crept into the yard and rescued some seventy soldiers who survived beneath the corpses of their comrades; fifty-seven of these were handed over at the end of the war, it is a relief to find in all these bloody tales of Armenia such noble deeds of kindness on the part of Christians to Moslems, and Moslems to Christians, and that nearly every massacre can bring similar cases to light. After that foolish slaughter the revolutionary agents may have plumed themselves on a striking piece of policy. Zeitun was compromised beyond recall, and the town prepared to withstand the siege to the last; but here the chapter of Zeitun closes, for within three weeks Edhem Pasha, a noble example of what a cultivated Turk can be, arrived on the scene, and with the assistance of the European Consuls concluded an honourable peace with the town; containing, alas! a clause by which the miserable causes of all this unhappiness and bloodshed were allowed to return unmolested to Europe, where they probably eke out an existence as distinguished as their military adventures. It would appear a grave fault on the part of the Powers to have allowed the revolutionary agents to escape, for had these wretched bungling intriguers been hanged, as they richly deserved, it would have strengthened the hand of the Ambassadors at Constantinople. It would also have completely dashed the hopes of the Armenian secret societies, who, no longer misled by the sentimental gush of certain journals, would have perceived once and for all that, though the Powers prepared to stop massacres, they were in no way ready to assist those who wantonly provoked them for their own ends. As to how far the Turks were in the wrong, who can judge? They have a side which should be considered, as it is impossible for them to allow a revolution to be impending in the heart of their country when threatening enemies appear on every frontier. They have their own homes to consider, and if they had allowed the revolutionaries to continue their intrigues, there is little doubt that a formidable insurrection would have broken out whenever the moment was favourable. Also it must be borne in mind that in the event of an Armenian rebellion it was the intention of the conspirators to have perpetrated similar massacres; and while no excuse can be made for the conduct of the Turks in slaughtering Armenians, it should be remembered that massacre is still a recognised method of policy throughout the East, and until lately in the West. Why, indeed, should one say lately, when the behaviour of the allied troops at Pekin is a matter of to-day?

(Armenian) revolutionists from abroad were always prepared to provoke a massacre in order to induce the Powers to assist them... these wretches actually schemed to murder American missionaries, hoping America would declare war...

The necessary killing in India after the Mutiny, although carried out more formally, was just as merciless; and from all one can gather the gentle Skobeleff pacified Central Asia much as the Turks aborted the Armenian revolution.

It is also a fact that the Armenians have an extraordinary habit of running into danger without possessing the courage to face it, and the revolutionists from abroad were always prepared to provoke a massacre in order to induce the Powers to assist them. I have good reason to know that these wretches actually schemed to murder American missionaries, hoping America would declare war on the supposition that the Turks were the criminals. Therefore, with such sordid intrigue and ruthless policy running side by side, it is hard to judge. I have known one man of Turcophil views eventually reject his opinions in horror; again, many others almost fanatically in favour of the Armenians, became so disgusted by the baseness of their nature as to abandon them with satisfaction to their fate.

Personally I think that the public moral sense of Europeans is practically wanting in orientals, and unless this is assumed one cannot attempt to comprehend them meaning that an oriental is capable of all personal goodness, such as acts of personal friendliness, personal devotion, personal self-sacrifice, and brotherly love to those of his own creed—such virtue as is exampled in the highest type of pro- Boer ; * mercy to one’s enemies and mercy in public matters are absolutely lacking. Whether this is a defect, and, if it is a defect, whether it can be remedied by education, or whether it is caused by race or religion, arc questions which must be left to philosophers and men of science.

In the evening I took a turn round the Castle walls,

* I am not one myself.

An Ottoman-Armenian Zaptieh (Policeman): "I have killed many (Turks)."

and had the satisfaction of seeing a splendid sunset over the valley, the river winding like a silver ribbon down the immense avenue of snow until it was lost in a blue haze, above which the huge tumbled peaks stood silhouetted against a golden, cloudless sky. The next morning I visited the city of Zeitun, and I think I never saw or smelt a more squalid, filthy, disgusting sink; although inured to the ten thousand putrescent odours of the East, I was miserably defeated at Zeitun; so appalling was the stench that I was unable to stay in the town for more than fifteen minutes, therefore I cannot give any description of its buildings, parks, squares, and palaces. The inhabitants, some eight thousand in number, deserve mention on account of their courage, in which they happily differ from the rest of their brethren. They once had the reputation of being fine brigands, but that side of their character seems to have evaporated. I was able to get on easy terms with one Zeitunli, and he was a Zaptieh in the Government service. His tale was as follows :— ‘Seven times have I fought the Turks, and now I am in their service to keep the peace; I have killed many in war—so many I pray God will forgive me! And the Turks killed many of us—our women, never! Never did we touch any of theirs, or they any of ours; but for men there was no quarter, either for us or for them. But what care I? In battle I forget where I am, and kill and kill, and may the Lord Jesus Christ have mercy on me, whether I die in bed or in battle!’ He was as unlike the town Armenian as it is possible for any man to be: six feet two inches high, broad in proportion, with merry, twinkling eyes, which reminded me so forcibly of certain islanders I have met in the British Army, that I could not but think of one private who had been a noted Fenian, and on being asked what his political opinions were, retorted, ‘As long as I’ve this * red coat on I’m for the Queen, God bless her! an’ when I haven’t —well—’ (with an irresistible smile), ‘begod I don’t know what I am!’ At present everything appears very quiet, and there need be no reason to expect further troubles, unless the garrison is lessened or the Commandant superseded by a less competent one, such as the colonel who surrendered during the last insurrection. At Zeitun I attained the rank of a Brigadier General; sentries presented arms with hoarse cries wherever I passed, soldiers shuffled uneasily if I looked at them, and a clay-and-night sentry was placed over my luggage. However, an Arab sergeant did not approve of this, and indulged in the following soliloquy towards the world in general while looking at my luggage; and the following dialogue ensued between him and my servant:

JACOB AND THE DISCONTENTED SERGEANT.

Sergeant: Ha! ha! many salaams, many compliments, for a stranger who travels in a strange land Who pays for this? Himself? Nay, his Government! Who would travel in this accursed frost-bitten country in winter unless to seek out secrets? He learns the road; he is a sure guide for invading armies. The English are coming, Mashallah! They make maps of the roads ere they strike,t find we, forsooth, must salaarn

I find it impossible to render phonetically the subtle dental th.

· · t Indeed Mashallah! and again Mashaliah!!I

· and give assistance. It was not so under Sultan Abdul Aziz!’

Jacob: ‘What say you, O brave one?’

Sergeant: ‘I say what I say! a word—who pays for thee and for this stuff? List to his answer, men !’

Jacob: ‘Who pays me ?—my master Wallahi! a fool’s question!’

Sergeant: ‘He pays thee perchance, but who pays him?

Jacob: ‘God hath granted him money, which I Alhamdolillah, share! No one payeth him.’

Sergeant: ‘Ah! that is thy tale; mine is different. I say he cometh here to work as a scout, a forerunner a path-finder, and I say his Government payeth him!’

Jacob: ‘And I say thou art a windy fool!’

Sergeant: ‘ I a fool!’

Jacob: ‘Truly a fool, son of a fool, and a father of witless fools !‘

Sergeant’: ‘You are bold, my fair youth!’

Jacob: ‘Yes, I am bold!’

Sergeant’: ‘I am a soldier of Abdul Hamid; would you have me tell these Moslems that the soldiers of the Sultan are fools?’

Jacob: ‘Would you have me tell the Bimbashi how much weight you gave me as seventeen rottals of barley this morning?’ (collapse of Me Sergeant.)

Sportsmen who read this book should note that splendid ibex, lynx, panthers and partridges are to be obtained near Zeitun, while the route from Ekbes to Marash is stocked with boar, teal, snipe, wild duck, and panthers in great quantity.

* Sultan Aziz is dragged in, in and out of season, to compare with the present régime.

A Gallery of Images from "Dar-ul-Islam"

Battery overlooking Zeitun City

Bridge at Zeitun

Kurd Feast at Marash

Map of Zeitun

Officers of the garrison at Zeitun

Zeitun City


Zeitun woman


(With thanks to reader M. Mersinoglu.)

A Chapter on Mark Sykes

The following bits are from Syke's biography, "Mark Sykes: His Life and Letters," by Shane Leslie, 1923. pp. 90-93: “…The convert deludes his American pastor. The American missions demolish and destroy what is most precious.” At Homs he was glad to find that the Jesuits, who train the Uniates, “give no encouragement to that brawling spirit of vendetta so dear to the heart of the native Christian.” The Uniates, “while following most of their Oriental ritual, abandon the fundamental points of controversy.” They congratulated the Greeks on their feasts and even called the Moslems in Bairam. Imagine Orangemen and Hibernians complimenting each other on St. Patrick’s Day and the Twelfth of July! In the Fellaheen of Syria he described something akin to the Irish peasantry before the Famine : “Good, gentle people, cultivating the land excessively ill, squeezed most cruelly for taxes. Owing to their ignorance of sanitation, they fall heavily before cholera. Naturally a peace-loving people, they have been forced by circumstances into a state of semi-war which has rendered them hardy, tough, frugal. Though moral, They are coarse in their similes, loving wonderful fairy-tales of poor men who become incredib1y rich by the aid of talismans.” He took down stories showing the family likeness between Irish fairies and Eastern jinns. “Every Syrian has something of a poet, a philosopher and a rhetorician in his composition,” he wrote in his “Five Mansions of the House of Othman.” He wished them immunity from a designing Imperial boss who might reduce them to serfdom for the purpose of filling his pockets and gaining the name of Empire maker.’’ He contrasted the deserts of South Africa, “where man is an uninteresting cipher, but in Syria every stone has an interest, every hill has been trodden into paths. Man has left his marks on every rock, and every stage of early society is to be seen: the cave-dweller, the nomad, the semi—nomad the villager, the townsman.” Amongst the inscriptions he found was one on the tomb of a pessimistic poet (Abu’l-Ala al-Ma’arri): “ Here lies the crime of my father uncommitted by me” ! He began to make unusual comparisons between the Turks and Armenians. In the Armenian church “the books are tattered and torn, the altar is foul and filthy, the pictures are vile daubs; the congregation is numerous, but of prayers or outward piety you see or hear little. They go to hear their language, to hear their native songs, to see that which is in their opinion the last sign of what they imagine was their great all-conquering Empire.’’ (“The Five Mansions.’’) He found there was something to be said for the Turks in spite of the fact that Murray’s guide says that they are hated by every race and creed.’’ Turkish rule had freed Syria from Bedouin attack. “The average Turk is as honourable as the average Englishman when he receives his pay, and as dishonest when he does not.” As for the massacres, “ while no excuse can be made for the conduct of the Turks in slaughtering Armenians, it should he remembered that massacre is still a recognized method of policy throughout the East and until lately in the West. Why, indeed, should one say lately when the behaviour of the allied troops at Pekin is a matter of to-day?” At Malatia he learnt the usual tale of Armenians preparing a revolution and being massacred themselves. They even fired on the Fransiscans escaping from their convent “in hopes of killing a European and so forcing the hand of the Powers.” They seemed without hope. The Armenian revolutionaries prefer to plunder their co-religionists. The revolutionary societies are leagued one against the other; the priests connive at the murder of a bishop; the national church is divided at its foundations.” (“The Five Mansions.”) He made sketches to replace the useless maps, Essengeli, imagined with a query, he realized. At Shaykli he found twenty Trappists (“French dervishes”), who supplied him with the local Topography. Near Derendeh he visited the Hittite lions, which he described as “fine examples of early impressionistic work. These lions have every advantage of the early Rodin school: they are repulsively ugly, hopelessly misshapen, their mouths are growing in the middle of their chests, and, further, they bear no more resemblance to lions than the bandy-legged, sinewy, simian, green gentleman at South Kensington doews to St. John the Baptist.” The fortitude of the Turkish soldier won his respect and almost his reverence. “The Turk has something in his nature which may astound the world yet.” He described the old school of Turkish official: “Ignorant, uneducated, corrupt as one of ‘Queen Anne’s statesmen, half Falstaff, half old woman; courteous, nervous, conceited, ready to sell his soul for a little money, fond of children, dull and obstinate as a mule yet rather lovable withal.” Another type whom he described in his first book is worth reading, the Gendarme, or Zaptieh. “He rides, jobs, carries the post, fights, and occasionally makes an arrest. He is one of the chief features of the Turkish Empire; but to the greater number of untravelled Englishmen he is unknown. If he is seen he is taken for a soldier, which he is certainly not. A Quaker would not be more shocked than he would if you asked him if he were one. And yet what is he? If you talk of fighting his eyes blaze, He tells you how he alone would fight twenty Bedouins, and so I believe he would.” Sir Mark Sykes At Zakho he saw a British Lee-Metford in a shepherd’s hands, and was carried into reverie. “What a history it could tell! Probably stolen near Peshawar, sneaked to Cabul, drifted to Suleimanieh, sold, stolen, smuggled and hugged over three thousand miles of the most wonderful country in the world.” He found himself “dodging war parties all day long‘‘ and making up maps all night.” He was mistaken for an English pasha, a spy, or the King of England’s daughter in disguise! He realized that the Oriental was unfathomable to one like himself “If a ring-tailed baboon talking English, riding on a white elephant, accompanied by two policemen, were to enter a Yorkshire village and quarter himself in one of the houses, what impression would he get of…

"(Turks) were at least as good as many Christian gentlemen that one knows." — Rudyard Kipling

pp. 98-99:

DIARBEKIR. I have had a fearful time in the snows, temperature 12 degrees below zero. Two English girls passed through here about four months ago, which seems odd. Their baggage consisted of one tent, one revolver and a saucepan. I roared with laughter at the idea of the vote of thanks for Lord Middleton. Well, I wish them joy. I wish I could go to Parliament. I would if I knew what I was, but I will content myself with writing for a time, and then if people think me a Conservative from my writing, I’ll be one, or vice versa.

Meantime, Mark’s new book was written. When “Dar-ul-Islam” appeared, Arnold White wrote in the Sunday Sun: “Since Mary Kingsley no writer of travel has blended a strong personality with so much of the appetizing salt of humour. The true state of the Turkish Empire is revealed in this book of infinite jest. Freedom from prejudice, however, and knowledge of the world do not change our Yorkshire captain into a cosmopolitan Englishman.” The Spectator wrote: “Books of travel are of three kinds. There are the learned books and the ignorant books and the books written by Captain Mark Sykes. These last it is impossible to describe except in French; they are étourdissants. But they are also the East, the surface of the East.” The Athenaeum regretted that in a footnote “he goes on to casually describe what will be taken by many to have been a murder of a Russian consul as a mere instance of a European receiving his reward.” Vanity Fair compared his footnotes to Gibbon’s as the “unobtrusive resting-places of some of the most delightful remarks.”

Rudyard Kipling wrote (May 6, 1904): “Having formally to acknowledge ‘Dar-ul-Islam,’ I sat down to read it and stayed there for the rest of the evening. Thank you very much indeed for it. I don’t know Turkey, but I can see the chit and the delay and the confusion at the wayside serais as I can smell the smell (much like ours in India, I take it) of the towns. What you said about the cold in ‘warm’ countries went to my bones. Nothing is colder than the East when she chooses. I am very glad you like the Turk. I’ve met a few uncontaminated ones, and they were at least as good as many Christian gentlemen that one knows. Altogether I found it a delightful book, for which I thank you once again. You ought to have been born in the East.”

H. G. Wells wrote (May 7, 1904): “I’ve just been looking through ‘Dar-ul-Islam,’ and I perceive it’s going to be a great lark to read and that I’m going to learn things. I like your ‘down’ on civilization and suchlike.”

On one point Mark was sensitive: as to whether he had covered new ground or not. When the Express denied it he wrote:

The route between Qal’a Sharqat and Altun Kopri has never been traversed before to my knowledge. Layard, it is true, went somewhere near it. The district between ‘Amadiya, ‘Agra, Zibar and Ruwaadiz is very little known. I naturally did not make sketch maps of country already carefully explored. I am almost certain that no one has passed over the mad from Qasr-es-Slib to Basin Vira and Kondik.

"...beware of anyone who has been educated by American missionaries. They always rub officials up the wrong way."

pp. 192-93: … Erzerum and elsewhere, and the Kurdish cavalry of Ibrahim bear no resemblance to the Haideranli Hamidieh of Hamid Pasha of Van.” He certainly gave a new conception of the Turk. “Both the Unspeakable Turk and the Dear Old Turk are phantoms of the imagination. Mr. Gladstone and the missionaries made one, Mr. Creasy and the Crimean officers the other.” His definition of the Turk was “a Moslem whose native language is Turkish.” On the country itself he advised Englishmen briefly: “Turkey is no go except for a financier or a canal engineer of remarkable capacity. The country is overstocked with incompetent, underpaid officials. Englishmen would be well advised not to go unless they are prepared to be chucked at a moment’s notice, to have their salaries six months in arrear, and to bow their necks to Oriental masters. Turks are delightful hosts, hut I should not fancy them as employers.” Hints for travelling in the East appeared in a letter to Mr. H. P. Gordon, of the British School at Athens: December 10, 1907. I used to make no secret of what I was doing and used to photograph everybody and everything, sketch the roads on a cavalry sketching-case, take altitudes and bearings, use Turkish soldiers to mark base lines, and never was prevented, though I believe the Sublime Porte once said I was mapping the whole country. However, there are things to avoid. Never sketch metalled roads, never approach any building where Government property is kept, such as ammunition, tents, guns, or rifles. Never ask permission to enter these places. Never sketch near the coast. Never sketch on Crown lands, called “Chiftlik.” Never let your sketching materials or implementts be seen at the Custom House Always stop sketching when approaching a large city. Never mention your business, or ask permission to sketch from the governor of a province or any of his satellites. Never go anywhere without a policeman (zaptieh). Those are the things not to do. Now here are the things to observe: Always make a visit to the Mudir, Kaimakan, Mutesaril, or chief official of the place in which you happen to be, then call on the commander of the military, then go to your tent and await their return visit (note, always send a messenger “ Khaba” before calling), give your visitors coffee, take their photographs, talk about international politics, talk about local agriculture, show them your picture-book if you have any, ask for a local policeman to show you round. They will then report that an English spy travelled in their district and that they kept him under close observation. Always tip your policeman handsomely; two francs a day for one is not excessive, for he will do a great deal of work for you. Avoid the local Christian priest unless accompanied by an officer of the Government. This saves a great deal of trouble unless you are engaged on political work. If you ask the local priest to dinner, ask a Government official as well. This is in the priest’s interest. The farther you go East, the more complacent the authorities become. Now as to your business, you will find more difficulty in Syria than in Mesopatamia, so I should advise you to go to the Euphrates first. When you get to Syria, if you are interfered with you can say: “But I did all this in Mesopotamia, how ridiculous to prevent me here!” And from what I know of Turkish officials this has an effect, because someone else is committed, and then it doesn’t matter. An intelligent and reliable servant is essential; beware of anyone who has been educated by American missionaries. They always rub officials up the wrong way. If you have the choice between a rather dull and heavy man and a chattering and loquacious one, select the former. A talkative and insolent Syrian Dragoman may wreck the fairest prospects. Greeks always get on very ill with Arabs owing to their boastfulness and superior ways. Jerusalem men are the best, and above all insist on Moslem muleteers. (With thanks to reader M. Mersinoglu.)

Daud

Sekarmaji

Beyond terrorism and martyrdom

People in West Java hold diverse memories of the Darul Islam rebellion and its leader Kartosuwiryo

Chiara Formichi

The complexities of historical memory and contemporary West Javanese society are revealed in the ways people remember Kartosuwiryo, the leader of the Darul Islam rebellion

Pak Ohan is a peaceful-looking old man who lives near Jakarta. The view from his verandah overlooks the large tract of land where he raises fish and cultivates rice as well as fruit. He receives many visitors at his house, where he serves delicious fried fish and passionfruit syrup. Most of these guests are associated with the cause to which Pak Ohan has dedicated his life, the PSII-1905.

The PSII-1905 is the social branch of the PSII (Islamic Union Party of Indonesia), created after the party split into social and political divisions in 1973. At that time, Indonesia’s political parties were compelled by the Indonesian government to accept the five national principles of Pancasila as their official ideology. For some members of the Islamist PSII, including Pak Ohan, to do so would have conflicted with their Islamic convictions. So instead they abandoned politics and formed PSII-1905 as a vehicle to improve the welfare of the Islamic community. They chose to refer to 1905 in the organisation’s title because it was the year in which the nucleus of the Islamic Union was created.

Although Pak Ohan’s efforts have been concentrated outside the political arena, he has not abandoned his wider political agenda, the implementation of syariah. To achieve this goal, Pak Ohan cooperates with hardline Islamic groups such as the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI). MMI officials and the editors of Islamist media such as Majalah Sabili and Majalah Darul Islam are regular guests at his house.

For Pak Ohan, the implementation of syariah law is the only way to eradicate corruption from Indonesian politics and ensure a bright future for his country

For Pak Ohan, the implementation of syariah law is the only way to eradicate corruption from Indonesian politics and ensure a bright future for his country. He is aware of several possible models for this implementation, but he prefers a specifically Indonesian conceptualisation of the Islamic state, namely the version proposed by Kartosuwiryo.

Introducing Kartosuwiryo

Kartosuwiryo was born in East Java in 1905. His father was a civil servant and, as a member of the indigenous elite, Kartosuwiryo gained access to Dutch schools. After moving to the Surabaya Medical School in 1923 he began his political activity, participating first at the famous Youth Pledge in 1928, and then joining the Islamic Union Party (Partai Sarekat Islam, or PSI, the precursor to the PSII). Led by the Islamic nationalist Tjokroaminoto, this political organisation counted over two million members. By the mid-1920s, however, the party had been shaken by a deep fracture between its communist and Islamist wings, which caused a reduction in its membership. As political Islam was at that time becoming a growing phenomenon in the wider world, the PSI reaffirmed and radicalised its position, promoting Islam as the foundation of a future independent state of Indonesia.

Kartosuwiryo had attained a high rank in the PSI by the mid-1930s. But while his outlook on political Islam was becoming increasingly radicalised, the political space in which to express this view was being reduced, especially when Sukarno’s republic formally became the official government of Indonesia. He kept fighting for the Islamic state, known as Darul Islam (the Abode of Islam), which he had proclaimed in West Java in 1948, until 1962, when he was captured by the army and executed.

In contemporary West Java, the area deeply affected by Kartosuwiryo’s movement, questions about the man provoke varying reactions and emotions

Pak Ohan’s memories of Kartosuwiryo emphasise his career in the service of political Islam, commencing from his formative period as a student of Tjokroaminoto in the 1920s. After this, as PSI leader, Kartosuwiryo consistently advocated for an Islamic state through the 1930s and 1940s. The final stage of his career was his fatal struggle to implement Tjokroaminoto’s teaching that Islamic principles should be implemented in the widest possible way, without regard for the conflict this would create with Sukarno’s Republican army. He points out with great regret and disappointment that although Kartosuwiryo is taken in Saudi universities to be an example of truly Islamic leadership, together with Abu Ala Maududi and Hasan al-Banna, Indonesian text books only mention him as the arch-enemy of the Pancasila state.

In contemporary West Java, the area deeply affected by Kartosuwiryo’s movement, questions about Kartosuwiryo provoke varying reactions and emotions. Some people describe him as a martyr of Islam, while others follow the government line that he was a rebel against the fledgling republic. But it is not only in Islamist circles that he is remembered positively: Some army officers, otherwise obliged to recognise him as a rebel, nevertheless admit that Kartosuwiryo’s actions were led by genuinely good intentions, their consequences notwithstanding. They admire him for his Islamic commitment. Intellectuals originating from the areas occupied by Darul Islam are often ambivalent: They lived through the terror of the rebellion, but also remember the Republican army taking advantage of the situation to abuse their power over the villagers.

Between mysticism and ‘Wahhabism’

The orthodoxy of Kartosuwiryo’s own religious convictions is a frequent point of divergence in recollections of him. People often refer to a well-known photograph of him taken in 1962 by Republican soldiers of the Siliwangi Division. This was the division that had fought beside Darul Islam troops against the Dutch in the 1940s, but which subsequently conducted military operations against Kartosuwiryo. The photograph shows a pale and emaciated man sitting under a tree with a jimat (amulet) hanging from his neck and a ceremonial keris dagger strapped around his waist. These two objects can be understood as symbols of an Islam strongly inflected by Javanese spirituality.

The orthodoxy of Kartosuwiryo’s religious convictions is a frequent point of divergence in recollections of him

Some observers describe Kartosuwiryo as a mystic whose roots in East Java, the land of ‘mysticism’ and ‘witchcraft’, contributed to his leadership qualities and charisma. But members of the PSI and Kartosuwiryo’s own kin, sensitive to the suggestion that their forebear practiced a syncretised Islam, see it differently, claiming that the Siliwangi soldiers supplied these objects to discredit him as an Islamic leader. His youngest daughter, Ibu Kokom, discards the allegations of mysticism as mere gossip. She calls him a Wahhabi, saying he would not even wear clothes that had been sewn. One of Kartosuwiryo’s grandsons says that his grandfather would have treated all the amulets given to him for protection as signs of polytheism, and would have thrown them away.

One day, whilst walking in a forest, Kartosuwiryo was presented with a gift from one of his soldiers, a ring adorned with a stone said to be able to stop bullets. After hearing this claim, Kartosuwiryo took a hammer and smashed the stone. According to the legend, he said to the astonished soldiers, ‘How could this stone save my life from a bullet, if it cannot save itself from a hammer?’

In contrast to his relatives, Kartosuwiryo’s youngest son Sarjono claims that his ‘Javaneseness’ was strong, as this is something one cannot simply ‘shrug off one’s shoulders’. Sarjono suggests mysticism was an accessory to Kartosuwiryo’s religiosity and says that the daggers and amulets donated by his followers were never thrown away, but ended up hanging on the walls of his home.

This conviction is not shared by Pak Ohan and his PSII colleagues. They claim that Kartosuwiryo had set aside the Javanese legacy. He was no sufi, they claim, but a ‘modernist’. That is to say, his ritual practice and belief were pure and unadulterated by syncretism. One of the tales often told in this circle goes as follows: One day, whilst walking in a forest, Kartosuwiryo was presented with a gift from one of his soldiers, a ring adorned with a stone said to be able to stop bullets. After hearing this claim, Kartosuwiryo took a hammer and smashed the stone. According to the legend, he said to the astonished soldiers, ‘How could this stone save my life from a bullet, if it cannot save itself from a hammer?’

The accounts by his contemporary supporters and surviving family members present a different character at every turn. While Pak Ohan recalls him as a fighter for an Islamic state, Sarjono defines Kartosuwiryo as a modernist in the field of education, as a follower of Nahdlatul Ulama in his religious observances, and as a person whose strongest motivation was the struggle for Indonesia’s freedom. One of his grandsons vaguely defines Kartosuwiryo as an ‘intellectual Muslim’, and mentions that he had refused to be labelled as a devout Muslim (santri) or a supporter of any one of the Islamic organisations into which the Indonesian Islamic community was and still is divided so to avoid alienating supporters. In his view, Kartosuwiryo was above all a skilful politician.

Justifications and melancholy

The ‘passive participants’ in the Darul Islam struggle, namely those villagers living in Garut and Tasikmalaya during the 1950s, provide another group of perspectives of the conflict. Amongst these people, one generally hears neither blanket condemnation of the movement nor fulsome support for the military operations leading to the militants’ capture.

Abdullah Mustappa, a journalist for the Bandung-based newspaper Pikiran Rakyat, grew up near Salwi in Garut. He recalls the regular raids, the fear of being taken away and his house being ransacked. But as he tells the story, it is not clear whether he is talking about the Darul Islam/Indonesian Islamic Army soldiers who would come during the night, or the regular army troops who would arrive the following day, or indeed both. He vividly remembers his grandfather telling him that he once saw a regular army soldier showing off goods that had belonged to a house allegedly ransacked by the Islamic Army. This memory softens his feelings towards Kartosuwiryo and his followers.

In his book entitled Lingkar Tanah Lingkar Air (Soul of the Motherland), the well-known Indonesian writer from Purwokerto, Ahmad Tohari, explores the motivations inspiring the Darul Islam followers, describing a debate among three friends who, in the aftermath of the Dutch departure in December 1949, have a decision to make. They must choose whether to join the Republican troops, and hence end their militancy, or join Kartosuwiryo in his battle for the establishment of an Islamic state. Their arguments express resentment towards the Republican government that had abandoned West Java in 1948, the righteousness they identified in Kartosuwiryo’s struggle and the psychological difficulty of re-integrating into the life of a non-combatant.

A large portion of the population faced similar choices. Even though many opted to return to their villages, they nevertheless understood and were sympathetic towards the rationales of those who remained in the armed militia.

In contemporary times, people are frequently reminded of the sufferings of members of the Darul Islam movement during their daily activities. West Java’s landscape bears traces of their struggle. One of the groups belonging to Kartosuwiryo’s force had moved eastward, reaching the Pekalongan area in 1955, where they hid on Slamet Mountain. These men were suffering from starvation after surviving prolonged fighting. When they were eventually captured, they were executed and buried on the outskirts of the jungle. This land is now used as a tea plantation, and most of the local labourers do not pass the burial site without offering up a short prayer for the buried militants. Although the area suffered from ransacking and attacks by Darul Islam troops, the atrocity of their deaths brings them sympathy and compassion from people now living in the area.

The accounts of Kartosuwiryo by his contemporaries and surviving family members present a different character at every turn

The memory of violence performed by Darul Islam soldiers also takes various forms. Although media reports of the time presented Kartosuwiryo as an enemy of the Republic and his group as a terrorist movement, Sundanese villagers of the affected areas have mixed feelings on this issue. While sympathising with the rebels’ suffering, at the same time Darul Islam’s strategy of attacking villagers alienated the villagers from the movement. The violence is explained in a different way by members of Kartosuwiryo’s family and Darul Islam sympathisers. They shift responsibility away from the movement by retelling stories of infiltrations within the rank and file. From one side, they say, communists were trying to gain control of the organisation, while from the other side, the army was conducting a campaign to discredit the movement.

Kartosuwiryo has generally been viewed through the lens of the hero/rebel dichotomy and his human side has been ignored. But the memories held by those directly or indirectly involved in the Darul Islam struggle reveal nuances that remind us of the human interest often overlooked in the conflict. The many and different ways in which Kartosuwiryo and Darul Islam are perceived warn us against flattening out the man and the movement under the clichéd banners of rebellion and holy war. Both the struggle and its commemorations are too complex for such a simple understanding. ii

Chiara Formichi (152651@soas.ac.uk) is a PhD Candidate in History at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. She is researching Islamic political leaders in pre-independence West Java.

Inside Indonesia 95: Jan-Mar 2009

DI-TII

Negara Islam Indonesia (disingkat NII; juga dikenal dengan nama Darul Islam atau DI)yang artinya Rumah Islam adalah gerakan politik yang diproklamasikan pada 7 Agustus 1949 (12 Sjawal 1368) oleh Sekarmadji Maridjan Kartosoewirjo di di desa Cisampah, kecamatan Ciawiligar, kawedanan Cisayong Tasikmalaya, Jawa Barat.

Gerakan ini bertujuan menjadikan Indonesia sebagai negara teokrasi dengan agama Islam sebagai dasar negara. Dalam proklamasinya bahwa “Hukum yang berlaku dalam Negara Islam Indonesia adalah Hukum Islam”, lebih jelas lagi dalam undang-undangnya dinyatakan bahwa “Negara berdasarkan Islam” dan “Hukum yang tertinggi adalah Al Quran dan Hadits”. Proklamasi Negara Islam Indonesia dengan tegas menyatakan kewajiban negara untuk memproduk undang-undang yang berlandaskan syari’at Islam, dan penolakan yang keras terhadap ideologi selain Alqur’an dan Hadits Shahih, yang mereka sebut dengan “hukum kafir”, sesuai dalam Qur’aan Surah 5. Al-Maidah, ayat 145.

Dalam perkembangannya, DI menyebarkan hingga di beberapa wilayah, di antaranya DI/TII Jawa Barat, DI/TII Jawa Tengah, DI/TII Sulawesi Selatan, DI/TII Kalimantan Selatan, dan DI/TII Aceh.

Setelah Kartosoewirjo ditangkap TNI dan dieksekusi pada 1962, gerakan ini menjadi terpecah, namun tetap eksis secara diam-diam meskipun dianggap sebagai organisasi ilegal oleh pemerintah Indonesia

Proklamasi NII

PROKLAMASI
Berdirinja NEGARA ISLAM INDONESIA

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim Asjhadoe anla ilaha illallah wa asjhadoe anna Moehammadar Rasoeloellah
Kami, Oemmat Islam Bangsa Indonesia MENJATAKAN:
Berdirinja ,,NEGARA ISLAM INDONESIA”
Maka hoekoem jang berlakoe atas Negara Islam Indonesia itoe, ialah: HOEKOEM ISLAM
Allahoe Akbar! Allahoe Akbar! Allahoe Akbar!

Atas nama Oemmat Islam Bangsa Indonesia
Imam NEGARA ISLAM INDONESIA
Ttd
(S M KARTOSOEWIRJO)
MADINAH-INDONESIA, 12 Sjawal 1368 / 7 Agoestoes 1949

Pemberontakan DI/TII Daud Beureuh

Pemberontakan DI/TII di Aceh dimulai dengan “Proklamasi” Daud Beureueh bahwa Aceh merupakan bagian “Negara Islam Indonesia” dibawah pimpinan Imam Kartosuwirjo pada tanggal 20 September 1953.

Daued Beureueh pernah memegang jabatan sebagai “Gubernur Militer Daerah Istimewa Aceh” sewaktu agresi militer pertama Belanda pada pertengahan tahun 1947. Sebagai Gubernur Militer ia berkuasa penuh atas pertahanan daerah Aceh dan menguasai seluruh aparat pemerintahan baik sipil maupun militer. Sebagai seorang tokoh ulama dan bekas Gubernur Militer, Daud Beureuh tidak sulit memperoleh pengikut. Daud Beureuh juga berhasil mempengaruhi pejabat-pejabat Pemerintah Aceh, khususnya di daerah Pidie. Untuk beberapa waktu lamanya Daud Beureuh dan pengikut-pengikutnya dapat mengusai sebagian besar daerah Aceh termasuk sejumlah kota.

Sesudah bantuan datang dari Sumatera Utara dan Sumatera Tengah, operasi pemulihan keamanan TNI segera dimulai. Setelah didesak dari kota-kota besar, Daud Beureuh meneruskan perlawanannya di hutan-hutan. Penyelesaian terakhir Pemberontakan Daud Beureuh ini dilakukan dengan suatu ” Musyawarah Kerukunan Rakyat Aceh” pada bulan Desember 1962 atas prakarsa Panglima Kodam I/Iskandar Muda, Kolonel M. Jassin.

sumber : wikipedia.org